Bending Over Backwards to Protect Lincoln



Then Sir we will give them the bayonet.


Well it appears that Al Mackey will go to any length to defend the well-known racism of Lincoln. I am not going into a long drawn out post on this subject. I will just take Mackey’s first entry and prove his defense of Lincoln is a useless waste of time.

This time Mackey is attacking Mr. Alan Singer, a professor of Teaching, Literacy and Leadership at Hofstra University. Mr. Singer posted this Lincoln quote –

Lincoln said, “I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality … I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men.”  Singer claims, “This was before Lincoln was elected president and before the outbreak of the Civil War, but Lincoln’s speeches, writings, and actions after these events continued to reflect this point of view about race and equality.”  What is most interesting about this quote is what Singer chooses to leave out of it through his use of the ellipses.

Al Mackey thinks he can white wash Lincoln’s racism by post example—

Starting at Mackey’s point “And what Lincoln said right after this is important, too:”

“I say upon this occasion I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that because I do not want a negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. [Cheers and laughter.] My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I am now in my fiftieth year, and I certainly never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife. So it seems to me quite possible for us to get along without making either slaves or wives of negroes. I will add to this that I have never seen to my knowledge a man, woman or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between negroes and white men.” [Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 3, p. 146]


Note the bold black portion of this speech, which Mackey himself posted, this would also include Lincoln and Mackey for that matter. While Mackey did post the whole quote I am not sure he helped Lincoln ease his racial pains. It does serve to prove Lincoln was a racist. It proves Mackey is wrong and there just isn’t much need to go over Mackey’s entire post.


Confederate Thanksgiving

Then, Sir,  we will give them the bayonet!!!!!! Stonewall Jackson


Confederate President Jefferson Davis’s Thanksgiving Proclamation of 1861
The Confederate States of America came into being February 4, 1861, one month before Lincoln’s inauguration. The text of the first Thanksgiving Proclamation issued by the president of the Confederacy, is reproduced here. To see this text as it appears on the Web site of the Albert Sidney Johnston Camp #67 (Houston, Texas) of the Sons of Confederate Veterans, click here. Following the text, the site notes: “By the way, that was a full two years before Abraham Lincoln’s Thanksgiving proclamation October 3, 1863.”


WHEREAS, it hath pleased Almighty God, the Sovereign Disposer of events, to protect and defend us hitherto in our conflicts with our enemies as to be unto them a shield.

And whereas, with grateful thanks we recognize His hand and acknowledge that not unto us, but unto Him, belongeth the victory, and in humble dependence upon His almighty strength, and trusting in the justness of our purpose, we appeal to Him that He may set at naught the efforts of our enemies, and humble them to confusion and shame.

Now therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States, in view of impending conflict, do hereby set apart Friday, the 15th day of November, as a day of national humiliation and prayer, and do hereby invite the reverend clergy and the people of these Confederate States to repair on that day to their homes and usual places of public worship, and to implore blessing of Almighty God upon our people, that he may give us victory over our enemies, preserve our homes and altars from pollution, and secure to us the restoration of peace and prosperity.

Given under hand and seal of the Confederate States at Richmond, this the 31st day of October, year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty one.

By the President, JEFFERSON DAVIS


No. 6. Munfordville, Ky., September 17, 1862.

I. The general commanding congratulates his army on the crowning success of their extraordinary campaign which this day has witnessed. He is most happy and proud to acknowledge his indebtedness to his gallant troops for their patient submission under the privations of an arduous march and the fortitude with which they have endured its hardships. They have overcome all obstacles without a murmur, even when in the prosecution of seemingly unnecessary labor, and have well sustained by their conduct the unsullied reputation of the Army of the Mississippi. With such confidence and report as has been so far exhibited nearly all things become possible. The capture of this position, with its garrison of 4,000 men, with all their artillery, arms, munitions, and stores, without the loss of a man, crowns and completes the separate campaign of this army. We have in conjunction with the Army of Kentucky, redeemed Tennessee and Kentucky, but our labors are not over. A powerful foe is assembling on our front and we must prepare to strike him a sudden and decisive blow. A short time only can there fore be given for repose, when we must resume our march to still more brilliant victories. The general commanding asks of his army only a continuance of the same confidence and regard for discipline in order to insure the most complete success.

II. To-morrow, September 18, having been specially set aside by our President to be observed as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God for the manifold blessings recently vouchsafed to us and to our cause, the general commanding earnestly recommends to the army to devote the day of rest allotted to them to the observance od this sacred duty. Acknowledging our dependence at all times upon a merciful Providence, it is meet that we should not only render thanks for the general success of our cause and of this campaign, but should particularly manifest our gratitude for a bloodless victory instead of a success purchased with the destruction of life and property.


General, Commanding.


No.-. Near Munfordville, Ky., September 17, 1862.

(Source: OFFICIAL RECORDS: Series 1, vol 16, Part 2 page(s) 841-842)

Just can’t fight the politically correct crowd

Seems like the politicians have already made up their minds about the monument to a bunch of raping murdering thieves in the Olustee State Park. Although a meeting has been called I have my doubts it will change the minds of the ignorant people in charge.



Thank you for writing to Governor Rick Scott with your concerns regarding the proposed monument at Olustee Battlefield Historic State Park. I have been asked to respond.

After thoroughly considering all of the comments, the Division of Recreation and Parks agrees that the Union fallen receive less recognition at the state park than do the Confederate fallen. This is based on the language of the 1912 monument, which commemorates the devotion of only the Confederate soldiers, on the commemorative pavers around the monument, which identify only the Confederate units, and on the two small monuments to Confederate generals. As fitting as these monuments undoubtedly are, no comparable recognition of the Union participants in the battle exists on state or federal property that would be part of a regular visit by a state park visitor. As the agency responsible for presenting the story of the Battle of Olustee to the visiting public, the Division agrees that a monument to Union soldiers in the state park would be appropriate.

 A public meeting will be held at 6:30 p.m. at the Columbia Count School District Auditorium on Monday, December 2, 2013. The address is 372 West Duval Street, Lake City, Florida 32055. The meeting will feature a presentation of the monument’s proposed final location for public review and comment.

Again, thank you again for sharing your comments.                               Albert Gregory                                                                                     Assistant Director                                                                              Division of Recreation and Parks                                               Department of Environmental Protection                                                                                                 3900 Commonwealth Boulevard                                                      Tallahassee, Florida 32303                                                                     850-245-3029                                                       


And my second response —

So your mind is already made up? Your explanation still does not address why an invading army deserves any recognition at all. Do you understand the cause of the war, the abuses and destruction heaped on the South? Did you actually read the email i send about the Massacre at Marianna, Fl.? Do you understand the abuses suffered by the women and children of the at the hands of the Invading Yankees, the rape murder and the stealing? Do you have any idea of the abuses suffered by Southern Soldiers who were captured and imprisoned in Yankee Concentration camps. From your comments, sir you do not.
Sir to educate yourself I suggest you visit my website “Yankee Atrocities” at  read these sourced entries and then in good faith tell me a Yankee needs recognition. They deserve no more recognition than Hitler’s concentration camp guards
George Purvis
Proud son of the South


H.L Mencken on Lincoln

With all the hoopla over the 150th anniversary of Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, a few thoughts on this so-called “great man” and what he CAUSED:

Over 620,000 soldiers dead; nearly 1 million civilian casualties due to war being waged on non-combatants; the South destroyed and bankrupt; over 30,000 northerners illegally imprisoned as Lincoln suspended habeas corpus in the north; old Republic dead; old Constitution dead. Lincoln wasn’t an emancipator – he was an eradicator.

I agree with Lincoln’s law partner, William Herndon of over 34 years, that Lincoln was an atheist. No God-fearing man would have done the above.


H.L. Mencken on Abraham Lincoln

From “Five Men at Random,” Prejudices: Third Series, 1922, pp. 171-76.
First printed, in part, in the Smart Set, May, 1920, p. 141

Some time ago a publisher told me that there are four kinds of books that seldom, if ever, lose money in the United States—first, murder stories; secondly, novels in which the heroine is forcibly overcome by the hero; thirdly, volumes on spiritualism, occultism and other such claptrap, and fourthly, books on Lincoln. But despite all the vast mass of Lincolniana and the constant discussion of old Abe in other ways, even so elemental a problem as that of his religious ideas—surely an important matter in any competent biography—is yet but half solved. Was he a Christian? Did he believe in the Divinity of Jesus? I am left in doubt. He was very polite about it, and very cautious, as befitted a politician in need of Christian votes, but how much genuine conviction was in that politeness? And if his occasional references to Jesus were thus open to question, what of his rather vague avowals of belief in a personal God and in the immortality of the soul? Herndon and some of his other early friends always maintained that he was an atheist, but the Rev. Willian E. Barton, one of the best of later Lincolnologists, argues that this atheism was simply disbelief in the idiotic Methodist and Baptist dogmas of his time—that nine Christian churches out of ten, if he were live today, would admit him to their high privileges and prerogatives without anything worse than a few warning coughs. As for me, I still wonder.

Lincoln becomes the American solar myth, the chief butt of American credulity and sentimentality. Washington, of late years, has bee perceptible humanized; every schoolboy now knows that he used to swear a good deal, and was a sharp trader, and had a quick eye for a pretty ankle. But meanwhile the varnishers and veneerers have been busily converting Abe into a plaster saint, thus marking hum fit for adoration in the Y.M.C.A.’s. All the popular pictures of him show him in his robes of state, and wearing an expression fit for a man about to be hanged. There is, so far as I know, not a single portrait of him showing him smiling—and yet he must have cackled a good deal, first and last: who ever heard of a storyteller who didn’t? Worse, there is an obvious effort to pump all his human weaknesses out of him, an obvious effort to pump all his human weaknesses out of him, and so leave him a mere moral apparition, a sort of amalgam of John Wesley and the Holy Ghost. What could be more absurd? Lincoln, in point of fact, was a practical politician of long experience and high talents, and by no means cursed with idealistic superstitions. Until he emerged from Illinois they always put the women, children and clergy to bed when he got a few gourds of corn aboard, and it is a matter of unescapable record that his career in the State Legislature was indistinguishable from that of a Tammany Nietzsche. Even his handling of the slavery question was that of a politician, not that of a messiah. Nothing alarmed him more than the suspicion that he was an Abolitionist, and Barton tells of an occasion when he actually fled town to avoid meeting the issue squarely. An Abolitionist would have published the Emancipation Proclamation the day after the first battle of Bull Run. But Lincoln waited until the time was more favorable—until Lee had been hurled out of Pennsylvania, and more important still, until the political currents were safely funning his way. Even so, he freed the slaves in only a part of the country: all the rest continued to clank their chains until he himself was an angel in Heaven.

Like William Jennings Bryan, he was a dark horse made suddenly formidable by fortunate rhetoric. The Douglas debate launched hum, and the Cooper Union Speech got him the Presidency. His talent for emotional utterance was an accomplishment of late growth. His early speeches were mere empty fire-works—the hollow rodomontades of the era. But in the middle life he purged his style of ornament and it became almost badly simple—and it is for that simplicity that he is remembered today. The Gettysburg speech is at once the shortest and the most famous oration in American history. Put beside it, all the whoopings of the Websters, Sumners and Everetts seem gaudy and silly It is eloquence brought to a pellucid and almost gem-like perfection—the highest emotion reduced to a few poetical phrases. Nothing else precisely like it is to be found in the whole range of oratory. Lincoln himself never even remotely approached it. It is genuinely stupendous.

But let us not forget that it is poetry, not logic; beauty, not sense. Think of the argument in it. Put it into the cold words of everyday. The doctrine is simply this: that the Union soldiers who died at Gettysburg sacrificed their lives to the cause of self-determination—”that government of the people, by the people, for the people,” should not perish from the earth. It is difficult to imagine anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in that battle actually fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of their people to govern themselves. What was the practical effect of the battle of Gettysburg? What else than the destruction of the old sovereignty of the States, i.e., of the people of the States? The Confederates went into battle free; they came out with their freedom subject to the supervision and veto of the rest of the country—and for nearly twenty years that veto was so effective that they enjoyed scarcely more liberty, in the political sense, than so many convicts in the penitentiary.

The Burning of Columbia — The Rest of the Story

“Then sir we will give them the bayonet”

Al Mackey has suddenly changed his attack from the Sons of Confederate veterans to the burning of Columbia, S. C.

This time he is attacking Wade Hampton and Prof.Marion B. Lucas, Sherman and the Burning of Columbia,  the SCV and anyone else he can think of. Giving Mackey credit, he cites several sources, however they are cherry picked to support his point of view. let’s take a look at what Mackey DID NOT post.

1. From W. T. Sherman’s Memoirs


“General Howard will cross the Saluda and Broad Rivers as near their mouths as possible, occupy Columbia, destroy the public buildings, railroad property, manufacturing and machine shops; but will spare libraries, asylums, and private dwellings. He will then move to Winnsboro’, destroying en route utterly that section of the railroad. He will also cause all bridges, trestles, water-tanks, and depots on the railroad back to the Wateree to be burned, switches broken, and such other destruction as he can find time to accomplish consistent with proper celerity.”

“This whole subject has since been thoroughly and judicially investigated, in some cotton cases, by the mixed commission on American and British claims, under the Treaty of Washington, which commission failed to award a verdict in favor of the English claimants, and thereby settled the fact that the destruction of property in Columbia, during that night, did not result from the acts of the General Government of the United States–that is to say, from my army. In my official report of this conflagration, I distinctly charged it to General Wade Hampton, and confess I did so pointedly, to shake the faith of his people in him, for he was in my opinion boastful, and professed to be the special champion of South Carolina.”
We can see by Sherman’s own statement that his intent was to fire and  destroy Columbia and  to blame Gen. Wade Hampton for the fire and destruction, even if Hampton was not guilty Not much left to be said about the incident after reading the firebug’s own words However here are some excellent websites, go there read and decide for yourself—

Looking in the Offical Records we find this report by one of Sherman’s own officers—

OFFICIAL RECORDS: Series 1, vol 47, Part 1 (Columbia)
Numbers 5. Report of Bvt. Brigadier General Orlando, M. Poe, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army, Chief Engineer. WASHINGTON, D. C., October 8, 1865.

SIR: *

Third. The campaign from Savannah, Ga., to Goldsborough, N. C., from January 25, 1865, to March 22, 1865.

—————— Page 170
Left Wing pontoon bridge was built over the Saluda at Zion Church, nine and one-half miles above Columbia, and some force crossed. On the 17th a pontoon bridge was built just above the ruins of the former bridge over Broad River, three miles above Columbia, and the Right Wing crossed to the north bank and occupied the city, the greater part of which was burned during the night. Many reasons are given for this flagrant violation of General Sherman’s orders, but, as far as I could judge, it was principally due to the fact that the citizens gave liquor to the troops until they were crazily drank and beyond the control of their officers. The burning cotton, fired by retreating rebels, and the presence of a large number of escaped.

Sherman denies the burning of Columbia so does Hampton. —

Wade Hampton’s letter to W.T. Sherman OFFICIAL RECORDS: Series 1, vol 47, Part 2 (Columbia)

Page 596 OPERATIONS IN N. C., S. C., S. GA., AND E. FLA. Chapter LIX.

In the Field, February 27, 1865.

Major General W. T. SHERMAN, U. S. Army:

GENERAL: Your communication of the 24th instant reached me to-day. In it you state that it has been officially reported that your foraging parties are “murdered: after capture. You go onto say that you have “ordered a similar number of prisoners in our hands to be disposed of in like manner; ” that is to say, you have ordered a number of Confederate soldiers to be “marked. ” You characterize your order in proper terms, for the public voice, even in your own country, where it seldom dares to express itself in vindication of truth, honor, or justice, will surely agree with you in pronouncing you guilty of murder of your order is carried out. Before dismissing this portion of your letter, I beg to assure you that for every soldier of mine “murdered” by you, I shall have executed at once two of yours, giving in all cases preference to any offices who may be in my hands.

In reference to the statement you make regarding the death of your foragers, I have only to say that I know nothing of it; that no orders given by me authorize the killing of prisoners after capture, and that I do not believe my men killed any of yours, except under circumstances in which it was perfectly legitimate and proper that they should kill them. It is a part of the system of the thieves whom you designate as your foragers to fire the dwellings of those citizens whom they have robbed. To check this inhuman system, which is justly execrated by every civilized nation, I have directed my men to shoot down all of your men who are caught burning houses. This order shall remain in force so long as you disgrace the profession of arms by allowing your men to destroy private dwellings.

You say that I cannot, of course, question your right to forage on the country- “It is a right as old as history. ” I do not, sir, question this right. But there is a right older, even, than this, and one more inalienable – the right that every man has to defend his home and to protect those who are dependent on him; and from my heart I wish that every old man and boy in my country who can fire a gun would shoot down, as he would a wild beast, the men who are desolating their land, burning their homes, and insulting their women.

You are particular in defending and claiming “war rights. ” May I ask if you enumerate among these the right to fire upon a defensess city without notice; to burn that city to the ground after it had been

page 597—

surrendered by the inhabitants who claimed, though in vain, that protection which is always accorded in civilized warfare to non-combatants; to fire the dwelling houses of citizen after robbing them; and the petrate even darker crimes than these – crimes too black to be mentioned?

You have permitted, if your have not ordered, the commissioned of these offenses against humanity and the rules of war; you fired into the city of Columbia without a word of warning; after its surrender by the mayor, who demanded protection to private property, you laid the whole city in ashes, leaving amidst its ruins thousands of old men and helpless women and children, who are likely to perish of starvation and exposure. Your line of march can be traced by the lurid light of burning houses, and in more than one household there is now an agony far more bitter than that of death. The Indian scalped his victim regardless of age or sex, but with all his barbarity he always respected the persons of his female captives. Your soldiers, more savage than the Indian, insult those whose natural protectors are absent.

In conclusion, I have only to request that whenever you have any of my men “murdered” or “dospised of,” for the terms appear to be synonymous with you, you will let me hear of it, that I may know what action to take in the matter. In the meantime I shall hold fifty-six of your men as hostages for those whom you have ordered to be executed.

I am, yours, &c.,



In conclusion I would say the guilty party is more than likely Sherman, we have his history of destruction throughout the South by his bummers,his hate of the Southern people,eyewitness accounts and a statement from one of his officers. Al Mackey says one cannot believe the neo-Confederates, which I am proud to be one, or the Sons Of Confederate Veterans. That being the case looking at Mackey’s past biased posts on his blog one cannot believe a bigoted neo-yankee like Al Mackey, Sherman or anyone else that supports the blue side. They are all liars

Why Florida should not erect a Union Monument- 2

Now we have seen the racism displayed by the white Union veterans toward the United States Colored Troops. I will come back to racism in a monument but I want to post the main reason Florida should not erect a Union monument. I am sure this scene was repeated several times in the state of Florida

Massacre at Marianna, Florida

From Confederate military history; a library of Confederate States history (1899) Vol. XI, Chap. VI, page 114 By Clement A. Evans.



ON the morning of the 25th of September, 1864, the usually quiet little town of Marianna, in west Florida, of about 2,000 inhabitants, was in a state of great anxiety over the report that the * Yankees were coming. The nearest railway station was Quincy, some 50 miles east, and the nearest point on the gulf coast, St. Andrews bay, about an equal distance, where a number of Federal gunboats blockaded the sound. Pensacola, the largest naval station in the South, 150 miles to the west, was held by the Federals. The inhabitants, aside from the slaves, consisted of well-to-do planters, mostly emigrants from North Carolina and Georgia. The politics of this county previous to the war was strongly Whig, and secession was bitterly opposed ; but after the war commenced the young men volunteered freely in the Confederate army. A small detachment of Confederate cavalry was then stationed at and near Marianna, about 300 men all told, residents of Jackson and adjoining counties, and men of fine intelligence. At Marianna was a cavalry company, commanded by Captain Chisolm; two other companies detached from Colonel Scott s battalion of cavalry were stationed, one under Capt. W. H. Milton 25 miles south of Marianna, and one under Captain Jeter 20 miles west, at Hickory hill. They were under the command of Colonel Montgomery, once a lieutenant in United States army and appointed from private




life. He was a martinet with little or no experience in the field. There was also a post hospital in charge of Assistant Surgeon H. Robinson, C. S. A.

The scouts had often brought alarms that the Yankees were coming from St. Andrews bay, but they generally proved false. On this occasion, however, September 25th, Colonel Montgomery made a personal reconnoissance and found the report well founded. He hastily returned to headquarters and sent out couriers to his scattered companies, with orders to report in all haste at Marianna. The church bells were rung, calling out all citizens to the court house, where a meeting was held and resolutions passed to repel the invaders. A few Confederate soldiers, then at home on sick leave, formed a nucleus of an organization which was at once perfected. Grayheaded old men, boys under 16 years of age within the town and ten miles around, regardless of previous Union sentiment, arrived with shotguns and formed what they themselves called * The Cradle and Grave militia company,” in all about 200, and partly mounted. They elected Captain Norwood, a prominent Unionist, as their captain, and reported for duty to Colonel Montgomery, full of ardor and brave endeavor.

Two roads enter Marianna from the west in parallel lines, one from Campbellton and the other from St. Andrew s bay. At the point where the two roads unite in the center of the village, forming the main street, there was on the left an Episcopal church and cemetery, and opposite the church a large two-story boarding-house. Another road, diverging from the Campbellton road, led around the town in the rear. As Colonel Montgomery had no pickets out he did not know from which direction the Federals would advance. He ordered his hastily levied militia to form a line, and constructed an abatis of old wagons and logs of wood across the street at the junction of the Campbellton and St. Andrews roads, forming his right at the boarding-house and his left rest-



ing at the Episcopal church. Here the gallant men and boys impatiently awaited the arrival of the enemy. The Federal command consisted of a battalion of the Second Maine cavalry under Maj. Nathan Cutler, of Augusta, Me., and several companies of deserters, the so-called First regiment of Florida Union troops, and two full companes of ferocious Louisiana negroes, in all about 600, under the command of Brigadier- General Ashboth.

About two o clock in the day the advanced pickets of the enemy made their appearance on the edge of the town, from the Campbell ton road. It was then too late to draw in Colonel Montgomery s straggling line, so fire was opened upon the pickets about 200 yards in front of our men, under which the Federal advance made a hasty retreat, inspiring the little Spartan band of defenders with hope of victory. But presently the main body made its appearance and General Ashboth detached a part of his command to flank the village, and advanced the main body directly toward the church. An indiscriminate firing began from the Confederate front and rear, the old men and beardless boys fighting like enraged lions, disputing every inch of ground. The contest was fierce and deadly for half an hour, when General Ashboth ordered the church, boarding-house and a private residence opposite burned. The militia kept their ground manfully between the two walls of flames. In the meantime the Federal flanking party gained the rear of the militia and commenced an indiscriminate slaughter, giving no quarter to any one. The negro companies in particular acted in the most fiendish manner. Old men and boys who offered to surrender were driven into the flames of the burning buildings; young lads who laid down their arms were cut to pieces; others picked up bodily by stalwart negro soldiers and thrown into the seething, burning church. The charred remains of several of the half-grown boys were afterward found in the ruins of the church. Colonel Montgomery and his staff made a very precipitate



retreat toward the Chipola river, the eastern boundary of the village, leaving the men to fight it out the best they could. The colonel was unhorsed and captured, and the staff made their way across the river in safety. The Confederates scattered in every direction, every man for himself, pursued by the Maine cavalry who kept up a steady fire upon them. The casualties on the Federal side were Captain Adams and 10 men of the Second Maine cavalry, killed. General Ashboth and Maj. N. Cutler were seriously wounded, and about 25 enlisted men
wounded. The loss on our side was about 60 killed, burned and wounded. About 50 of the Confederates succeeded in crossing the Chipola river and tore up the bridge. Captain Miller, quartermaster, and Dr. Robinson, post surgeon, made attempts to reform the scattered command, and held them together until late in the even ing, when they were reinforced by the arrival of Captain Milton with 75 mounted men. The whole fight lasted about an hour. With the retreat of the Confederates across the river, the town was in full possession of the Federals. General Ashboth and Major Cutler were carried to a private house, where their wounds were dressed.

A council of war was held by the Federal officers, who concluded that in consequence of the wounded condition of their general they would return to Pensacola with their prisoners, contraband and plunder. About midnight General Ashboth was carried off in a carriage. Major Cutler and the other wounded were left behind, and the town evacuated. The several companies of Confederate cavalry who had been previously sent for made their appearance on the east side of the river, anticipating and hoping for a renewal of hostilities next morning. By dawn their scouts were sent in town and learned of its evacuation by the enemy.

It was deemed advisable not to attempt a pursuit until stronger reinforcements that were looked for from Tallahassee should arrive, but to take possession of the town



and await results. The prisoners carried off by the Federals were most of them old men and boys who had surrendered, also a number of non-combatants, in all about 100 men. They were sent to northern prisons, principally Elmira, N. Y. About 40 of these unfortunates survived the rigor of the climate and the painful experience of prison life and returned to their homes so enfeebled in health and broken-hearted that most of them were soon released from a life of suffering before the year expired, and but few are living to tell the tale of their sufferings.

On the arrival of Col. G. W. Scott with a battalion the day following, an attempt at pursuit was made, but the enemy had 24 hours start and the desperate Confederates failed to overtake them. The day after the fight, Marianna presented a pitiable sight. The dead and wounded lay all about, and the wails and cries of mothers, wives and sisters could be heard in every direction. Women and children searched for father, son or brother in the ashes of the burnt buildings. Here and there a charred thigh or ghastly skull was disinterred from the debris. Eventually some sort of order was evolved from the chaos. The dead were buried, the wounded citizens taken to their homes or those of friends, and the Federal wounded to the military hospital. While this skirmish was a defeat to the people of Marianna, it in reality resulted in a victory. The objective point of General Ashboth s expedition was to capture Tallahassee, the capital of the State, and as the resistance made at Marianna frustrated his object and compelled his hasty retreat to Pensacola, his success was barren.

The foregoing account of this cruel raid was given by the post surgeon, an eye-witness of the horrors of the invasion and the atrocities that were perpetrated.

As promised one more note on racism. This comes from none other tan the United States Colored Troop website at


The Sons and Daughters of the United States Colored Troops (S&DUSCT) is chartered by the African-American Civil War Memorial Freedom Foundation(AACWMFF) to augment the Foundation’s mission to use the high visibility of the National Monument ” the Spirit of Freedom ” and the names of 209, 143 U.S. Colored Troops to change the way American History is taught and to motivate young people, especially African-Americans, to civic pride and patriotism on a national basis.

Mission Statement:

The S&DUSCT’s primary mission is to honor the historical legacy of those who served in the United States Colored Troops(USCT) and to educate the public to the true role played by free blacks and slaves in the American Civil War of 1860-1865.

Why are they not charted by the Sons of Union Veterans? Note there is nothing about the white troops but they do what to change the way history is taught. They want true history taught. My question is what is holding them back? Why not also tell about the role of the Confederate Negro also????



Why Florida should not erect a Union Monument

Al Mackey is at it again folks. Check out his blog at

The worlds biggest bigot has made another attack against  the SCV. He calls this group racist,  un-American and should be disbanded.  The reason the SCV is trying to block a Union monument in Olustee, Florida. There is already a Union monument on that Battlefield. Of course he uses his usual childish insults while hiding behind a computer screen all the while not knowing anything about the SCV or Michael Givens the Commander of the SCV. Of course when he has no facts to rely on he plays the only card in his hand —  the race card. Gee I wonder if he wants group disbanded for being why he is not making the same call for the Son of Union Veterans (SUV) who has documented racism . He is so mean rough and tough he should  walk into a Klan meeting and take back the United States flag, disband the group and destroy the whole Klan. Wonder what is holding him back fear or common sense???

As to Mackey’s claim of racism, lets look at the Sons of Union Veterans and the union army. It is a well-known, in the North and South, fact the Union army used Negro soldiers. If we are to believe the neo-yankee version these Negroes fought like the devil and won the war themselves.Ok I will go with that story, so why is it we find this —

No Black Veterans in the Army of Emancipation Grand Review:

“More surprising [in the Washington Grand Review of the federal armies] was the exclusion from the parade of the black Union regiments, some of which had fought a good deal longer than the white units on parade. A number of observers commented on their absence, the Inquirer concluding that “by some process it was arranged that none should be here….They can afford to wait. Their time will yet come.”

The few blacks in the review marched as parts of “pick and shovel” brigades or were included as comic relief. Two large black soldiers with Sherman’s army, for example, were displayed “riding on very small mules, their feet nearly touching the ground.”

Captured slaves were described as “odd looking “contrabands” dressed in all the colors that ever adorned Joseph’s coat.” In the rear of the First Pennsylvania, one such captive, mounted on a solitary Confederate mule, “created much laughter, in which the President and others joined heartily” as he was carried past the reviewing stand.

Neither the free black nor the free black soldier was to be the hero of this national pageant; instead, each was relegated a secondary, rather uneasy position within it. The exclusion of blacks from the celebration was a clear message about the sort of Union the white [Northern] veterans felt they had preserved.” (Glorious Contentment, The Grand Army of the Republic, Stuart McConnell, UNC Press, 1992, pp. 8-9)

Or perhaps Mackey can explain away this—

They May Withdraw”
Southern Grand Army Men Won’t Affiliate With Colored Veterans:
The New York Times, August 9, 1891

New Orleans: August 8—-Angry, disappointed, bordering on indignation, was expressed on all sides by the leading spirits of the Grand Army posts here when the news was received that colored veterans must be given free recognition and admission to the order. The greater part of the officers of the white posts are ensconced in comfortable berths in the Custom House, and there is indignation over the action of the national body was greatest.

Private telegrams announced that under the new decision matters would remain as heretofore. “That means,” said a prominent Federal official, “that we will act as we did last year and just decline to allow colored posts representation in the Department Council. If we are forced to give then recognition, we will probably surrender our charter and then convert our organization into a social, fraternal and benevolent order for white ex-soldiers.”

This is the general sentiment expressed by all white veterans. The demand for recognition in the Grand Army of the Republic ranks by the Negroes is regarded as a political move of their leaders. Colonel Jim Lewis is charged with desiring to elect himself Department Commander so as to secure a fat Federal office. The white veterans give as one of the reasons for their dissatisfaction the fact that large numbers of the members of the colored posts are only thirty or thirty-five years old, and consequently could not have been old enough to bear a musket in the war. It is said that when the late Department Commander, Jacob Gray, saw he could not be re-elected by the white posts, he granted enough charters to colored posts to accomplish that object, but he was checked by the political shrewdness of the white delegates.

To organize eight colored posts in as many days required rapid work, and it is charged that men were mustered into the new posts 100 at a time without the production of their discharge papers or, indeed, any further investigation into the question whether they served or not (other) than their own statements. The white Grand Army members in Louisiana number over a thousand. If they cut off from all connection with the national organization, it is very probable the other Southern States contending with the same problem will also withdraw, and that they will all unite in one grand organization limited to the South, and surrender to the colored comrades the control as well as the membership of the regular Grand Army organization in their States.

Another singular complication arises from the fact that the Negro brigade which fought with such unquestioned gallantry on the right of the Federal line at Port Hudson (and of which Lewis and most of the Grand Army claimants are members) was made up of the original native grand guard regiments which were organized under authority from Richmond and sworn into the Confederate service before the capture of this city by Butler, which fact would disbar them from membership in the Grand Army.

Truth be known, less than 50 members of the 1st Native Guards CSA served in the Union army


End of part 1